Sisi’s Important White House Visit

Egyptian President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi will visit the White House on Monday. Sisi has become a polarizing figure in Washington both because of his role in the coup that ousted his predecessor, Mohamed Morsi, as well as human rights abuses that accompanied the subsequent crackdown on the Muslim Brotherhood.

The debate about the coup was vociferous here at COMMENTARY and, more broadly, across the U.S. foreign policy community. Both sides made valid arguments, but they basically boiled down to two points: Those who opposed the coup argued that, as bad as Morsi might have been, he should have been allowed to hang himself with a rope of his own making. If he crossed so many Egyptians, they would have the opportunity to vote him out of office during the next elections. Supporters of the coup—myself reluctantly included—argued that Morsi had demonstrated disdain for the democratic process and that it was becoming increasingly unlikely that he would ever allow another fair election.

In the wake of the coup, the Obama administration’s policy toward Egypt was confused. President Obama and Secretary of State John Kerry were, at best, weak and ambivalent in any condemnation. Subsequently, however, they slighted the Egyptian leader and, despite Egypt being America’s largest Arab ally, downgraded military ties and stopped military aid to Egypt.

This was counterproductive on a number of fronts. First, the purpose is unclear: Morsi will not return to power and Sisi subsequently won an election. Second, Egypt and the United States are not alone in the sandbox: Russia is more than willing to step in at the expense of American influence. Thirdly, the security threats Egypt faces are not the result of the crackdown on the Muslim Brotherhood but rather are pre-existing, especially in the Sinai. To cut off Egypt’s means to defend itself against al-Qaeda and Islamic State affiliates is to gamble with the lives of 90 million people and a country that controls the Suez Canal–one of the world’s strategic chokepoints. The Washington Institute’s David Schenker is always worth reading on Egypt, and his analysis of the security challenges is right-on.

There is an irony to so many progressives prioritizing the Israel-Palestinian peace process yet seeking simultaneously to ostracize Egypt. There simply cannot be any lasting solution without Egypt’s input and security guarantees. Individuals need not necessarily like either Sisi or Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, but establishing trust between the Israeli and Egyptian leader is crucial given all the security issues at play. Sisi’s presence—and the establishment of trust between Jerusalem and Cairo—opens a number of doors on the peace process and is also crucial to preventing the further establishment of Iranian influence in the Hamas-controlled Gaza Strip.

Make no mistake: the human rights concerns are real, although prominent advocacy groups like Human Rights Watch have delegitimized themselves by showing their numbers in Egypt are based more on their executive director’s pique than on any scientific surveying. Across the region as well, Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International have partnered with radical groups to push a political agenda that has very little to do with human rights and everything to do with its employees’ partisan worldview.

Trump may not bring up human rights with Sisi, but the Egyptian leader risks enclosing himself in a bubble of sycophancy if he continues to crack down on the Egyptian press. Transparency is also essential in business. Longtime Egyptian leader Hosni Mubarak delayed making the tough decisions and undercut opportunities for ordinary Egyptians as he privileged a military oligarchy. Should that repeat, the Egyptian people might again turn on the state. The State Department should not cease to advocate liberalization, but diplomacy isn’t about throwing the baby out with the bathwater.